V: In danger of contracting X-Files Disease

So I’ve watched the season thus far of V. It’s been good enough to keep my interest — and keep me returning for the next episode. But I fear this will not last too much longer.

Why? Because the concept behind V is much better suited to a mini-series (as was the original show upon which the series is based; although it too was expanded into a one-season series the next year) than a multi-season series with an unknown end point.

Essentially, the plot boils down to answering two main questions: “What are the aliens really up to?” and “When will the majority of humans figure out what’s going on and fight back?” It’s hard to imagine how you can drag out these answers for more than one or (at most) two seasons. I see the writers trying here; in the last episode (until next March), the heroes argued why it wouldn’t be wise to simply expose the aliens just yet. I wasn’t convinced.

There are also some plot points that stretch my credulity (such as inter-species romantic love and a human pregnant from an alien). My knowledge of biology and evolution suggests that this has a zero probability. But that’s another story.

If the people behind V keep trying to stretch things out (as they apparently intend to do), they risk the dreaded “X-Files” disease. This is when the answers to the central conspiracy/mystery of a series are artificially delayed, so as to keep the series going for as long as it remains popular. After awhile, viewers get annoyed at how contrived everything becomes, how the plot never seems to advance (despite teasers suggesting that something will actually happen). Viewers ultimately abandon the series because they just don’t care anymore. Or at least don’t care to wait anymore.

That’s what happened to The X-Files in its later seasons. And this was exactly what was in danger of happening to Lost, until the third season, when the producers got ABC to agree to set the sixth season as the final one for the series. With a known end point, the producers/writers could now map out the plot without having to worry about “What if we need to make the series last a seventh season?; We can’t afford to reveal too much.” After this decision was made, Lost quickly evolved to become one of the greatest most compelling series in television history. I am counting the minutes until the final season begins on February 2, 2010.

Flash Forward, another new series this year, has so far done a much better job of handling this balancing act. I feel mostly satisfied that events are progressing, even though the fate of the series (in terms of how many seasons it may last) is still unknown. And, from what I have read, major questions will indeed be answered before Season 1 is over.

V, in contrast, has been unable to figure this out. Given the limits of the plot, it may be an impossible task. Still, unless it figures something out, I predict the series will burn out before the first season is over. I give it low odds of surviving to a second season and near-zero odds of a third.

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Get rid of the filibuster

Over the weekend, the Senate Democrats managed to unite long enough to move the health care reform bill to the floor for debate. They patched together the sixty votes needed to override a filibuster attempt by the equally united Republicans. Hooray!

Of course, all is not over. The bill still has to pass the Senate (where another attempt at a filibuster will surely be made).

Personally, I am fed up with filibusters.

For starters, the idea that a bill needs to survive at least two threatened filibusters to get approved is overkill. It’s absurd enough to have to deal with a filibuster threat once per bill.

Actually, I would prefer to eliminate filibusters altogether. The House survives without them. So could the Senate.

Not too long ago, back in 2005, when the Republicans controlled the Senate, they threatened “a nuclear option,” a move to essentially eliminate the filibuster altogether. They were frustrated with Democratic filibusters that were holding up judicial nominees. In the end, the “crisis” was averted — and the filibuster remained intact. Too bad.

Before I take any political position, I try to examine it from both sides of the fence. Sure, as a left-wing Democrat in favor of universal health care, I would welcome the elimination of the filibuster roadblock in the current Congress. But, if this happens, the day will surely come when the tables are turned and it will be a Republican majority forcing through its legislative agenda without the filibuster as a brake. I need to consider this as well. Without this sort of of consideration, you wind up looking hypocritical, switching positions as the political winds shift (a common illness in Washington; see this article).

On balance, I’d take the risk and would welcome a death-blow to this anachronistic procedure.

My major objections to the filibuster are two-fold.

First, it is too easy to filibuster. As has been repeatedly pointed out by the media, you now need 60 votes to pass anything in the Senate. I don’t believe this was ever the intention of the Constitution or even the original concept of the filibuster itself. Remember when you actually had to stand up and keep talking to maintain a filibuster? Back then, a filibuster was not automatically guaranteed to succeed. Now, you simply have to threaten a filibuster and a bill is dead within seconds.

For a good explanation of “How Cloture Rule Allows Minority To Block Legislation Without ‘Actual Filibustering,'” see this article.

My second objection follows from the first: the frequency of filibusters has ballooned in recent years. As noted in Wikipedia: “In the 1960s, no Senate term had more than seven filibusters.” In 2008, there was a record 112 cloture votes [needed to end debate on a filibustered bill].

Two other articles, one from the Washington Post and the other from politico.com, similarly discuss the merits of ending a filibuster.

In the end, frequent filibusters hurt the entire Senate. When neither party can pass significant legislation, even when they have a clear majority, the result is that nothing significant ever gets accomplished. The public inevitably adopts a “pox on both their houses” view. Sadly, as the minority party can typically prevent any revision to the rules, and as a filibuster serves the short-term interests of the minority, I doubt we’ll see any changes any time soon.

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App Store: No appeal for developers?

My most recent article for The Mac Observer delves into the problems developers have with Apple’s App Store approval process — focusing on a recent series of nonsensical rejections. More recently, I stumbled upon another article on the same topic. It makes an intriguing point: the main problem with the App Store is that Apple treats software as a commodity similar to a song in your music library. It doesn’t work. Read the article if you want to find out why.

I’ve since concluded that there is yet another major problem with the App Store approval process: There is no effective and standardized way to appeal a decision.

When I call almost any company, such as my credit card company, to complain about something — and I am dissatisfied with what the person is telling me — I can ask to “speak to your supervisor.” Usually, this works; they do pass my call up the ladder. The result may not change. But at least I get to speak to someone with more authority to make a change.

I understand that the support people at the bottom rung are encouraged not to “get the supervisor” too easily — lest every minor complaint get bumped up. But at least they are permitted the discretion to decide. For my part, I try not to exercise this option unless I truly believe I have a major grievance.

Based on the developers’ stories I have read, the situation with Apple is quite different. You get the feeling that the ones at the bottom of the ladder (assuming you even get to speak to anyone at all, rather than being forced to work through email) are told by Apple: “Make your decision, based on the guidelines we give you. Then stick to it no matter what. Whatever complaint you may hear, ignore it and repeat that your decision is final. Under no circumstances indicate that there is any possible appeal (other than via the developer resubmitting the app and starting over). And certainly don’t pass off a call to any “higher up.”

If Apple adopted a more reasonable approach to dealing with dissatisfied developers, it might have avoided most, if not all, of the “horror stories” that have been circulating on the Web.

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The iPhone is ready to go beyond AT&T

In the November 23 issue of Newsweek, Daniel Lyons argues that the iPhone is in danger of the same fate the befell the Mac: doomed to a small market share while another player becomes dominant. For the Mac, the other “player” was Microsoft. For the iPhone, the biggest threat is Google’s Android.

The problem, as Lyons sees it, is that Android is an open system that potentially works on any company’s hardware, just as was the case for MS-DOS/Windows. The iPhone, in contrast, is a closed system “keeping the software tightly coupled to the hardware.”

While I too have lamented the iPhone’s closed nature, I have to disagree with Lyons’ overall conclusion. The foundation of the iPhone’s appeal comes from the über-successful iPod. While the iPod might be similarly criticized as “closed,” it is never-the-less the 2000-gorilla of MP3 players. With the iPod touch as its wingman, the iPhone is similarly positioned to be follow in the footsteps of the iPod rather than the Mac.

With one exception.

I totally agree with Lyon’s concern that the iPhone runs only on the AT&T network. In the beginning, back in 2007, this hardly mattered. Starting from an installed base of zero, the iPhone was destined to take off no matter what. Any AT&T customer thinking of getting a smartphone was going to give the iPhone a serious look. For millions of other users, the desire to have an iPhone trumped everything — and they switched to AT&T.

Times have changed. AT&T continues to take hits for its relatively poor 3G network. Its refusal to activate Internet tethering on the iPhone because of its expected network impact is yet another black mark. Meanwhile, as Google’s Android phone improves, it may become less critical to switch to AT&T just so you can get an iPhone.

The result is that the potential pool of iPhone users will inevitably plateau. No other smartphone need worry about bumping into this ceiling.

What’s the solution? It’s an easy one. Apple needs to expand the iPhone’s availability to carriers beyond AT&T. The iPhone already supports a multitude of different carriers around the world. It shouldn’t be that difficult to support more than one carrier in the U.S.. Numerous others have come to the same conclusion (see this article for one example).

The hangup is more legal than technological. Apple and AT&T currently have a licensing agreement that requires that the status quo be maintained. Although both parties remain relatively mum about the details of this arrangement, there are predictions that the contract will expire as soon as next year.

When that happens, I would strongly urge Apple to drop its exclusive licensing with AT&T. No other single move would have as much positive impact on the iPhone’s future market share. By so doing, the iPhone will be well on its way to the same level of dominance now enjoyed by the iPod.

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